Daily Archives: Sunday, January 4, 2015

New Journal Articles (weekly)

  • “The economic crisis of the late 2000s has transformed inter-ethnic relations. Despite the fact that North American and European economies have depended on international migration flows for decades (Piore 1979; Sassen 1988; Zolberg 2006), recent years have witnessed an increasing tension in perceptions of international migration among citizens in these regions (Telles and Ortiz 2007: 292). The increasing success of the far-right at the polls and the support for policies strengthening border controls and criminalizing unregulated migration reveal the extent to which immigrants continue to be the outsiders and scapegoats of the present era (Allport 1979; Benhabib 2004; Wimmer 2002). The unprecedented number of votes of Le Front National in the 2014 French municipal elections illustrate this generalized trend. “

    tags:newjournalarticles

  • “This study analyses the relationship between attitudes toward immigration and deteriorating economic conditions in times of crisis. We examine three questions: First, how are a vulnerable position in the labour market and recent changes to an individual’s economic situation related to perceived ethnic threat? Second, what is the role of the nation’s economic and immigration context? Last, are relationships at the individual level between economic conditions and perceived ethnic threat affected by contextual variables?

    Data from 23 countries sampled in the fifth round of the European Social Survey (ESS-5, 2010) is used. At the micro level, unemployment, job insecurity and income deprivation during the three years prior to the survey affect perceived ethnic threat, as predicted by group conflict theory. These effects are, however, relatively small. Among the contextual variables, only growth in gross domestic product (GDP) shows an effect in the expected direction: perceived threat is higher in countries where GDP growth is lower. However, the study design does not allow the conclusion that changes in the economic context lead to changes in attitudes toward immigrants. The significant cross-level interaction for economic growth indicates that the threat-inducing effect of unemployment is stronger in contexts where the growth in GDP is high. This finding contradicts our hypothesis. One could explain this by the emergence of a generalized feeling of economic insecurity in countries severely hit by the economic crisis. In these countries, strong feelings of economic insecurity—and the resulting levels of perceived ethnic threat—might also be present among those who are employed, thereby diminishing the gap between them and the unemployed. ”

    tags:newjournalarticles

  • “The mechanisms by which negative attitudes toward immigrants become votes for anti-immigrant parties are not fully understood. Yet, voting for political parties with anti-immigrant platforms is arguably the most common expression of these sentiments in Europe. I use anti-immigrant attitudes as a starting point and hypothesize that superficial intergroup contact, or immigrant ‘visibility’, brings these attitudes to the fore as politically salient. A spatial analysis of electoral data from each polling station in Sweden for the 2010 parliamentary election (n= 5,688) provides support for the hypothesis. Much of the variance in district-level voting can be accounted for by the percent of non-western residents in adjacent neighborhoods. The findings suggest that the probability of anti-immigrant attitudes translating into votes increases in neighborhoods where residents are likely to have fleeting contact with immigrants and I test this further with a city-level case study. I collected observational data on the visibility of non-westerners in a mid-size Swedish city and find that votes for the Sweden Democrats are above the national average where immigrants are most visible. Furthermore, the effect of non-western residents on anti-immigrant voting is most pronounced in regions without histories of significant non-western immigration, suggesting that the negative effects of superficial contact diminish over time. “

    tags:newjournalarticles

  • “The media is widely held as a force that both shapes and reflects how citizens think about immigrants and immigration. This article explores two recent developments in the literature on media coverage of immigrants and immigration: the application of Hegelian dialectical theory to the study of discourses about immigration; and a debate concerning the shift from outright racism to subtler forms of ‘new racism’ and its implications for media coverage. The former development views the media as embodying oppositional constructions of ‘us’ and ‘them’, and argues that we stand to learn much about national self-conception by interrogating media narratives about immigration. The latter development suggests that while there have been progressive changes in the field of journalism, negative constructions of racialized immigrant Others persist in new forms. Here, we consider the intersection between these two developments. We adopt the dialectical approach to examine media coverage of the town of Hérouxville, Quebec’s 2007 publication of a ten-page warning about the ‘limits to accommodation’. Because it was written by ‘non-immigrants’ the publication of this document provides an ideal case with which to consider the ‘us’ side. We find that the media framed the document and its authors as racist and anti-immigrant, thereby inscribing a (problematic) definition of the ‘us’ side as being multicultural and anti-racist. “

    tags:newjournalarticles

  • “Many immigration scholars either implicitly or explicitly agree that the post-11 September 2001 period is witness to a ‘problematization’ and ‘securitization’ of immigration that is new in its scope and scale. In this view, 11 September is perceived as a critical juncture in and a major accelerant of the process of securitizing immigration in Europe and the United States. Against this backdrop and drawing upon data gathered from our original 1993 and 2004 surveys of Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) we investigate in this article if and to what extent the purported securitization of immigration in post-11 September Europe is reflected in the self-reported immigration-related attitudes of MEPs, parliamentarians who are now central actors in forging a common immigrant and immigration policy in Europe. As our following analysis of the data demonstrates, MEP attitudes in the aggregate were not significantly altered by 11 September. In the face of catastrophic events in the international security environment MEP opinion and policy preferences held relatively constant over time. Moreover, contrary to our expectations and in contradiction of a core tenet of securitization theory, MEPs in 2004, as in 1993, were not especially inclined to view immigration through the prism of either national or European security. Rather, our findings suggest the differential effects of security events on elite attitudes on matters of immigration, thus compelling us to adopt a more nuanced view of security as it is linked to different national conceptions and aspects of immigration policies. “

    tags:newjournalarticles

  • “The state-led immigration laws of 2010 and 2011 are but the most recent examples of anti-immigrant activity which cycles throughout the United States’ history. This article addresses why particular states passed anti-immigration legislation and why all the policies center on criminal penalties and enhanced enforcement. We argue that partisan control and specific demographic changes in the context of increased national attention to immigration help explain the origins of the state immigration restriction laws. Additionally, to explain the content of these pieces of legislation, we argue that these policies centered on criminal penalties and enhanced enforcement because of a larger political narrative that privileges crime as a central mode of governing. The governing regime of crime and security control provides narratives about sovereign power and economic interests, embodied in the detention industry, that determine the specific content of state level legislation that furthers the criminalization of the immigrant. “

    tags:newjournalarticles

  • “The literature on sensitive questions shows that the survey mode affects the answers obtained. This acquires special relevance when measuring racism and xenophobia. This article offers the results of a quasi-experimental survey comparing three survey modes: 1) the conventional face-to-face survey; 2) a modified face-to-face condition where respondents answered a subset of questions in a self-administered form; 3) a completely non-interviewer condition where questionnaires were first handed out for the interviewees to fill in on their own, and collected on another agreed date. Consistent with our hypothesis, some support for the social desirability bias and survey mode effects was obtained. Self-administration of questionnaires encouraged declarations of xenophobia, but more so when subtle or indirect scales of rejection versus acceptance of immigrants were used. The drawback was the under-representation of respondents with a low level of education in self-administered methods. Contrary to our expectations, less educated respondents were affected by the survey mode. “

    tags:newjournalarticles

  • “It is not often one can justly describe a scholarly work in political science as a page-turner, as compelling as it is innovative. But Timothy Pachirat’s political ethnography of a Nebraska slaughterhouse, Every Twelve Seconds, is as stimulating as it is disturbing. Pachirat worked undercover for 5 months at a slaughterhouse, in a variety of positions as a line worker and as a quality control supervisor. The resulting narrative ethnography should be of great interest to scholars in political science, political theory, anthropology, geography, and animal studies.

    Pachirat situates the slaughterhouse at the intersection of two dynamics of modern power—the practices of distance and concealment that, following Norbert Elias are part of the ‘civilizing process’ that produces disgust at the ‘uncivilized’ and the practices of surveillance and visibility that, following Michel Foucault, produce panoptic disciplinary control. In other words the slaughterhouse involves the sequestering of morally repugnant labor but adds panoptic surveillance to this concealment.

    Concealment and surveillance work hand-in-hand. Indeed, concealment occurs not just through segregating the slaughterhouse from the rest of society that consumes its products but also within the slaughterhouse itself. Pachirat meticulously maps the spatial divisions within the slaughterhouse, where the ‘dirty’ side is physically and discursively walled off from the ‘clean’ side and where very few workers actually witness and participate in the killing process. ”

    tags:newjournalarticles

  • “Recent scholarship points to three emerging lines of research on the migration and citizenship nexus. The first unsettles assumptions of citizenship’s internal homogeneity by identifying internal lines of exclusion (Balibar 2004; Anderson 2013). This goes beyond a binary between citizenship’s inclusionary promise and constitutive exclusions to explore what Linda Bosniak (2006) has characterized as its ‘soft inside’. The second line of research maps spaces and practices of membership that incorporate different regimes of rights (Redclift 2013a, 2013b; Rygiel 2011; Sigona 2015) and relationships to the state (Coutin 2000; Düvell 2008; Kubal 2012). These challenge theorizations of rule and exception (cf. Agamben 1998) and the representation of subjects produced within these conditions. In doing so, this research contributes a groundswell of literature critiquing the depiction of migrant subjects as depolicitized and agency-less social actors (cf. Bloch, Sigona and Zetter 2014; Isin and Neilson 2008; Nyers and Rygiel 2012; Rancière 2010; Redclift 2013b; Sigona 2012). Thirdly, scholars have just begun to test concepts and analytical frameworks developed within/for Western liberal democracies in contexts with different political traditions (Reeves 2013; Vora 2013) and genealogies of citizenship (Ong 2006; Somers 2008). As we will discuss at the end of this review essay, some of these themes are echoed and further developed in the books under review. “

    tags:newjournalarticles

Posted from Diigo. The rest of my favorite links are here.